Criminalizing prenatal harm
In May, U.S. District Judge John Woodcock sentenced an HIV-positive pregnant woman to just enough days in prison to coincide with the end of her pregnancy. Both the prosecutor and defense attorney had recommended 114 days, which would have allowed Quinta Layin Tuleh, 28, of Cameroon, to leave prison with time served. But the judge sentenced her to 238 days.
She had been convicted of possessing fake immigration documents. Following her prison term, whatever its length, Tuleh will be deported. The judge said he would have sentenced her to time served if she had simply been pregnant. But because she could potentially transmit HIV to the fetus, he extended the sentence. Only in prison, he reasoned, would Tuleh have access to the antiretroviral therapy that would reduce the risk of HIV transmission from 25% to 1-2%.
Judge Woodcock explained from the bench:
“My obligation is to protect the public from further crimes of the defendant, and that public, it seems to me at this point, should likely include that child she’s carrying. I don’t think that the transfer of HIV to an unborn child is a crime technically under the law, but it is as direct and as likely as an ongoing assault. If I had — if I were to know conclusively that upon release from imprisonment a defendant was going to assault another person, I would act in a fashion to prevent that, and similar to an assault, causing grievous injury to a wholly innocent person. And so I think I have the obligation to do what I can to protect that person, when that person is born, from permanent and ongoing harm.”The unusual sentence outraged some feminist and civil liberty advocates. Zachary Heiden of the Maine Civil Liberties Union said, “[J]ailing someone is punishment -- it is depriving them of liberty. That deprivation has to be justified, and illness or pregnancy is not justification for imprisonment.” Jessica Valenti of Feministing wrote, “I fail to see how Tuleh's inability (if that really is the case) to procure affordable, decent healthcare is an ‘assault’ against her fetus, rather than the system's assault of Tuleh.” These views, I think, while important, ignore the harm done by transmitting HIV to the child (avoidable as it is), as well as the mother's own interest in procuring prenatal care.
But how far should we go to prevent prenatal harm? Should the government intervene?
I’m discussing responsibilities to the 'unborn,' but I’m not talking about abortion. I'm interested in fetuses only to the extent that they'll become future people. If you're into rights-based language, Carson Strong, a University of Tennessee bioethicist, frames it well. He explains that a child's “birthright” is not “a right to be born” but “a right possessed by all people who are born,” namely the “right to be born free of serious impediments to their well-being” (p. 507). We have obligations to fetuses that will most likely become life - obligations we don't have to fetuses in general.
So I think the Judge Woodcock was thinking correctly about including the future child as a member of our community, even if legally speaking, the fetus is a non-item, and he over-reached judicial bounds by essentially sentencing Tuleh for assault and not an immigration violation. But couldn't the judge have found Tuleh prenatal care without depriving her of liberty? That would be ideal, but I don't think it's possible. Inmates have a right to health care due to their incarceration. The government does not have the authority to provide health care to others under its supervision (parole or probation) beyond Medicare and Medicaid, for which Tuleh would not qualify. So it appears that for Quinta Layin Tuleh and her future child, the choice was prison or HIV.
What then? It appears that the future child's best interest in being HIV-negative contradicts the future mother's interest (she did appeal the sentence) in not being incarcerated. But it’s not an either/or dichotomy of interests. Surely the mother would not want her child to suffer from HIV.
I was unsure of the judge’s decision, but I was disappointed by the reasoning of my usual allies: feminists and civil libertarians. Margo Kaplan of the Center for HIV Law and Policy, for example, accused the judge of “glibly equat[ing] being HIV-positive and pregnant with committing a crime.” Zachary Heiden of the Maine Civil Liberties Union also simplified the case: “Judges cannot lock a woman up simply because she is sick and pregnant.” Kaplan especially does not grapple honestly with the facts. The alleged offense was not being “sick and pregnant”; it was transmitting HIV.
Heiden, admirably, did offer a more nuanced view: “We are enormously sympathetic to the desire to ensure that Ms. Tuleh receives adequate health care, including prenatal care. Federal immigration law has developed in truly arbitrary and punitive ways. Here, even a federal judge could not get assurances that Ms. Tuleh would not be deported before the end of her pregnancy. He could not get assurances she would not have her medical care arbitrarily cut off. That is wrong.”
Jessica Valenti, like Kaplan, distorted the judge's reasoning and condemned the “paternalism, discrimination and misogyny that are so rife in this case.” But where is concern for the woman’s health care needs? Where is the concern for the HIV status and suffering of the future child? Wouldn't Tuleh also want her child to be HIV-negative? We have two awful options in this case: (1) the risk (moderate but not trivial) of transmitting HIV, or (2) the woman’s extra 124 days in prison (beyond the 114 days she had already served). Incarceration, even for four months, can be a degrading deprivation of liberty, but compared to HIV, it's not necessarily the worse option.
Margo Kaplan also exaggerates the case's ramifications. She wrote: “His reasoning essentially criminalizes being HIV-positive and allows the state to prison anyone with HIV simply because they have HIV and are capable of transmitting it to another. It classifies anyone with HIV as a threat to society who can be incarcerated at the whim of the state to protect public health.”
Not correct. The judge explicitly said he does not propose incarcerating any HIV-positive person who could transmit the virus. This case concerns an individual who by virtue of her immigration status would soon be deported and deprived of health care, and who could thereby transmit a life-ending illness to her future child. The judge’s use of incarceration does not apply to other HIV-positive people, or HIV-positive women, or even HIV-positive pregnant women. Poor citizens (update: and non-citizens) have access to immediate prenatal care through Medicaid. Tuleh did not.
True, Tuleh was treated as a fetal container, incarcerated for the sake of the fetus. Broadly speaking, that's worrisome and I share that feminist outrage. But freeing Tuleh would not have met obligations to the future life. It's just not possible, in Tuleh's case, to first do no harm.
The most outrageous piece, I think, was that Tuleh could not be guaranteed access to prenatal care except in prison. It’s cruel and undeserved – but not unusual – that incarceration fills this gap. We routinely address social and medical issues like substance abuse, mental illness, and poverty by incarcerating people. If the crime was "assault" or risking transmitting HIV to the child, the real perpetrator was not the woman - who had few options (if any) to access regular prenatal care - but a society that would deny medical care to the needy. The judge should throw all of us in prison.


